Science Diplomacy

Science diplomacy sits at the intersection of two worlds that rarely speak the same language. Scientists seek universal truths through evidence and experiment. Diplomats seek negotiated agreements through compromise and persuasion. Science diplomacy is what happens when these two worlds meet - and when they do, remarkable things become possible. A working definition. The term was formally introduced in a landmark 2010 report by the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) and the Royal Society: New Frontiers in Science Diplomacy. The report defined science diplomacy as the use of scientific collaborations among nations to address common problems and to build constructive international partnerships. It is not a single activity but a family of interactions where science and foreign policy intersect. What science diplomacy is NOT. It helps to draw clear boundaries: Science communication is about explaining research to public audiences. It does not involve foreign policy. Science policy is about governments deciding how to fund and regulate research domestically. It does not inherently involve international relations. Public diplomacy is about states building their image abroad through culture, education, and media. Science can be a tool of public diplomacy, but public diplomacy is much broader. Science diplomacy specifically involves the intersection of scientific activity and international relations - scientists engaging across borders, scientific evidence informing treaty negotiations, or research partnerships building trust between rival states. Why "diplomacy" matters. The word is deliberate. Diplomacy implies negotiation, strategic intent, and the management of relationships between sovereign states. When scientists from Israel and Jordan collaborate at the SESAME synchrotron, they are not merely doing physics - they are building a bridge between nations that lack formal diplomatic relations. When climate scientists present findings to UN negotiators, they are not merely reporting data - they are shaping the political feasibility of binding commitments. The key actors. Science diplomacy involves a wider cast than traditional diplomacy: States - foreign ministries, science ministries, and their diplomatic missions abroad Intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) - the UN system (WHO, UNESCO, IAEA, WMO), OECD, EU National academies of science - bodies like the Royal Society, US National Academies, and their counterparts worldwide Research institutions and universities - often the operational backbone of international scientific collaboration NGOs and foundations - organisations like Pugwash, the Wellcome Trust, and the Gates Foundation Individual scientists - sometimes the most effective diplomats are researchers who build personal trust across political divides A growing field. Science diplomacy has moved from an informal practice to a recognised professional field. The EU launched a dedicated Science Diplomacy Alliance in 2020. Switzerland maintains a network of Science and Technology Counsellors in its embassies. Japan hosts the annual Science and Technology in Society (STS) Forum. And in 2024, the Geneva Science and Diplomacy Anticipator (GESDA) emerged as a leading institution bridging frontier science and multilateral governance.

Science diplomacy is not new - but calling it "science diplomacy" is. Scientists have crossed political borders for centuries. What changed in the 20th century was the scale, the stakes, and the recognition that these interactions serve strategic purposes. The Cold War origins. Modern science diplomacy was born in the shadow of nuclear weapons. In 1955, the philosopher Bertrand Russell and the physicist Albert Einstein published the Russell-Einstein Manifesto, warning that nuclear war could end civilisation and calling on scientists to take responsibility. Two years later, in 1957, the first Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs brought together 22 scientists from both sides of the Iron Curtain in the small Canadian fishing village of Pugwash, Nova Scotia. The Pugwash movement proved that scientists could talk when politicians could not. Through back-channel scientific dialogues, Pugwash participants helped lay the groundwork for the Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963), the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (1968), and the Biological Weapons Convention (1972). In 1995, Pugwash and its founder Joseph Rotblat received the Nobel Peace Prize. The Antarctic Treaty (1959). During the International Geophysical Year (1957-58), scientists from 67 nations cooperated on research across Antarctica. This scientific collaboration built enough trust to produce the Antarctic Treaty in 1959 - one of the most successful international agreements in history. The treaty froze all territorial claims, banned military activity, and established Antarctica as a continent dedicated to peace and science. It remains in force today with 56 parties. CERN (1954). The European Organisation for Nuclear Research was founded with an explicitly diplomatic purpose: to rebuild European scientific collaboration after World War II and to prevent a brain drain of physicists to the United States. By creating a shared facility where scientists from former enemy nations worked side by side, CERN demonstrated that science could heal political wounds. Its founding convention states that the organisation shall have "no concern with work for military requirements." SESAME (2017). The Synchrotron-light for Experimental Science and Applications in the Middle East is often called "the CERN of the Middle East." Located in Allan, Jordan, SESAME brings together scientists from Cyprus, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Pakistan, Turkey, and the Palestinian Authority - countries with deep political divisions. Modelled explicitly on CERN's post-war reconciliation role, SESAME demonstrates that shared scientific infrastructure can create spaces for cooperation where formal diplomacy has failed. COVID-19 vaccine diplomacy (2020-2022). The pandemic revealed both the power and the limits of science diplomacy. On one hand, the unprecedented speed of vaccine development was a triumph of international scientific collaboration - the viral genome was shared globally within days, and vaccines were developed using research platforms built over decades of cross-border cooperation. On the other hand, vaccine distribution exposed deep inequities: wealthy nations hoarded supplies while the COVAX facility, designed to ensure equitable access, struggled to meet its targets. "Vaccine diplomacy" became a tool of geopolitical competition, with China, Russia, and India using vaccine exports to build influence in the Global South. From informal practice to institutional field. What was once an informal activity - scientists meeting across borders - has become an institutionalised practice. Today, over 30 countries have science diplomacy strategies or science adviser networks in their foreign ministries. The EU's S4D4C project (Using Science for/in Diplomacy for Addressing Global Challenges) mapped the field systematically between 2018 and 2022. Universities now offer courses and degrees in science diplomacy. The field has its own conferences, journals, and professional networks.

The AAAS/Royal Society framework identifies three distinct modes of science diplomacy. Each describes a different direction of influence between science and diplomacy. Understanding these modes is essential because they require different skills, involve different actors, and face different challenges. Mode 1: Science IN Diplomacy. This is about scientific evidence informing diplomatic negotiations and foreign policy decisions. The flow runs from science to diplomacy: researchers generate knowledge, and policymakers use it to shape international agreements. The most prominent example is the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The IPCC does not conduct original research; instead, it synthesises thousands of scientific studies into assessment reports that directly inform the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations. The Paris Agreement (2015) explicitly references the IPCC's finding that global warming must be limited to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Without the IPCC's scientific consensus, the political commitment to a specific temperature target would have been impossible. Other examples include the World Health Organisation (WHO) providing epidemiological evidence during pandemic negotiations, the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) informing the Convention on Biological Diversity, and national science advisers briefing foreign ministers on technical issues in treaty negotiations. The challenge of Mode 1: Scientific uncertainty does not map neatly onto political decision-making. Scientists speak in probabilities and confidence intervals. Diplomats need clear yes-or-no guidance. This translation gap is a persistent source of tension. Mode 2: Diplomacy FOR Science. This is about diplomatic agreements enabling scientific research that no single country could achieve alone. The flow runs from diplomacy to science: governments negotiate treaties, create institutions, and fund programmes that make large-scale international research possible. The classic examples are mega-science facilities: CERN (particle physics, 23 member states), the International Space Station (5 space agencies), ITER (nuclear fusion, 35 nations), and the Square Kilometre Array (SKA) telescope (16 countries). None of these could exist without diplomatic agreements on funding, governance, intellectual property, and data sharing. Beyond mega-science, Mode 2 includes research mobility agreements (visa facilitation for scientists), data sharing protocols (the Human Genome Project's open-access model), and joint funding programmes (the EU's Horizon Europe, which allocates over €95 billion for research across member states and associated countries). The challenge of Mode 2: Diplomatic agreements are slow. Science moves fast. By the time governments negotiate a framework for collaboration, the research frontier may have shifted. Additionally, national security concerns (especially in AI, quantum computing, and biotechnology) increasingly conflict with the scientific norm of open collaboration. Mode 3: Science FOR Diplomacy. This is about using scientific cooperation to build trust and improve relations between countries. The flow is bidirectional: science serves as a bridge, creating human connections and institutional links that can survive political tensions. SESAME is the textbook Mode 3 example: the scientific purpose (synchrotron research) is real, but the diplomatic purpose (bringing Middle Eastern nations together) is equally important. Other examples include US-Cuba cooperation on marine science during periods of diplomatic estrangement, India-Pakistan seismology networks that share earthquake data across the Line of Control, and North-South Korean joint archaeological excavations during periods of detente. The challenge of Mode 3: If the diplomatic purpose becomes too visible, it can undermine the scientific credibility of the collaboration. Scientists may feel instrumentalised - used as pawns in a political game rather than valued for their expertise. Maintaining the integrity of the science while achieving diplomatic objectives is a delicate balance. The modes overlap. In practice, most science diplomacy activities involve more than one mode. CERN began as Mode 3 (rebuilding European trust after WWII), evolved into Mode 2 (the diplomatic framework for particle physics), and regularly operates as Mode 1 (CERN data informing EU research policy). The IPCC is primarily Mode 1 but depends on Mode 2 (international agreements to fund climate research). SESAME is Mode 3 but also Mode 2 (diplomatic agreements enabling shared infrastructure). Beyond the three modes. Some scholars argue the framework needs updating. The original 2010 framework assumed that science and diplomacy are separate domains that occasionally interact. In reality, many contemporary challenges - pandemics, AI governance, climate change - are inherently scientific AND political from the start. The concept of "knowledge diplomacy" (proposed by Jane Knight) broadens the frame to include education, research, and innovation as interconnected diplomatic tools.

Scientists and diplomats inhabit different intellectual worlds. To work effectively in science diplomacy, scientists need to understand how diplomats think, what drives foreign policy, and why the language of international relations matters. Sovereignty. The foundational principle of the international system is state sovereignty - the idea that each state has supreme authority within its borders and is equal to every other state in international law. This was formalised in the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and remains the bedrock of international relations. For science diplomacy, sovereignty matters because no international agreement can override a state's consent. The Paris Agreement, the WHO's International Health Regulations, and the Outer Space Treaty all depend on states voluntarily agreeing to be bound. This means scientific evidence, no matter how compelling, cannot force action - it must persuade sovereign governments to act. Treaties and international law. States interact through a hierarchy of agreements. Treaties (also called conventions or protocols) are the most binding - they create legal obligations under international law. Declarations and resolutions express political commitments but are typically non-binding. Soft law (guidelines, codes of conduct, best practices) influences behaviour without legal force. Scientists often produce evidence that they expect to drive action, only to discover that the most powerful diplomatic outcome available is a non-binding declaration. Understanding this hierarchy manages expectations. Multilateralism vs bilateralism. Multilateral diplomacy involves three or more states negotiating together, usually within institutional frameworks like the UN General Assembly or a Conference of the Parties (COP). Bilateral diplomacy involves two states. Science diplomacy operates at both levels: the IPCC feeds into multilateral climate negotiations, while US-China scientific cooperation agreements are bilateral. Multilateral negotiations are slower and more complex but produce broader agreements. Bilateral deals are faster but narrower. Soft power. Political scientist Joseph Nye introduced the concept of soft power - the ability to influence others through attraction rather than coercion. While hard power relies on military force or economic sanctions, soft power works through culture, values, and institutions. Science is a potent source of soft power. Countries with strong scientific institutions (the US, UK, Germany, Japan) attract international students, lead global research networks, and set technical standards that others follow. A country's scientific reputation can open diplomatic doors that military power cannot. How foreign policy is made. Foreign policy decisions involve multiple actors within a government: foreign ministries, defence ministries, intelligence agencies, trade departments, and heads of state. Science ministers and chief scientific advisers are typically not at the top of this hierarchy. For science to influence foreign policy, it must navigate bureaucratic politics - finding allies within government, framing evidence in terms that resonate with foreign policy priorities (security, economic growth, global standing), and timing inputs to align with decision windows. Diplomatic language. Scientists value precision. Diplomats value ambiguity. This is not a defect - it is a feature. Constructive ambiguity (a term attributed to Henry Kissinger) allows parties with different positions to agree on language that each interprets favourably. The Paris Agreement's phrase "well below 2°C" is a masterpiece of constructive ambiguity: it is precise enough to set a direction but vague enough to accommodate different national circumstances. Scientists who work with diplomats must learn to accept that imprecise language can sometimes achieve more than precise language, because it enables agreement where precision would cause deadlock.

The United Nations is the world's primary platform for multilateral governance - and scientific evidence enters it through multiple channels. Understanding the UN system is essential for anyone working in science diplomacy because most global agreements on environment, health, and technology are negotiated within UN frameworks. The core structure. The UN has six principal organs, but three matter most for science diplomacy: The General Assembly (UNGA) - all 193 member states, one vote each. Sets the political agenda, adopts resolutions (mostly non-binding), and creates new bodies. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were adopted by the General Assembly in 2015. The Security Council - 15 members (5 permanent with veto power: US, UK, France, Russia, China). Deals primarily with peace and security, but increasingly intersects with science diplomacy on issues like climate security, pandemic response, and cyber warfare. The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) - coordinates the work of 15 specialised agencies and numerous commissions. This is where most science-policy interaction happens. Specialised agencies. The UN's specialised agencies are where science diplomacy is most active: World Health Organisation (WHO) - sets international health regulations, coordinates pandemic response, and serves as the science-policy interface for global health. The WHO's dual role - technical agency AND diplomatic arena - creates tensions when scientific recommendations conflict with member states' political interests. UNESCO - promotes international scientific cooperation, manages the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission, and designates World Heritage sites (where scientific assessments determine eligibility). International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) - inspects nuclear facilities, verifies compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and promotes peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The IAEA is perhaps the purest example of Mode 1 science diplomacy: its inspectors' technical findings directly determine diplomatic outcomes. World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) - co-established the IPCC with UNEP, coordinates global weather and climate monitoring, and provides the scientific infrastructure that underpins climate negotiations. How science enters negotiations. Scientific evidence enters UN negotiations through several mechanisms: Science advisory bodies produce assessment reports. The IPCC synthesises climate science. IPBES synthesises biodiversity science. These bodies are designed to be "policy-relevant but not policy-prescriptive" - they present the evidence but do not tell governments what to do. Conferences of the Parties (COPs) are the annual meetings where countries negotiate under specific conventions (UNFCCC for climate, CBD for biodiversity). Scientific advisory bodies present their findings, and negotiators use (or ignore) them. The gap between what science says and what COPs agree is often wide. Epistemic communities - networks of experts with shared knowledge and normative commitments - influence negotiations through informal channels. Peter Haas's concept of epistemic communities explains how scientists can shape policy even without formal authority: they define problems, propose solutions, and build consensus among policymakers who trust their expertise.

Some of the planet's most critical resources belong to no single nation. The atmosphere, the high seas, outer space, and Antarctica are global commons - shared resources that require collective governance. Science is the foundation of every governance regime for these commons, making them central to science diplomacy. The concept. Garrett Hardin's 1968 essay "The Tragedy of the Commons" argued that shared resources are inevitably overexploited because each user benefits individually while costs are shared collectively. But Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom demonstrated that communities can and do govern commons successfully through self-organisation - provided they have clear rules, monitoring mechanisms, and enforcement. The global commons present a harder problem: there is no world government to set rules, and "self-organisation" must happen among 193 sovereign states with very different interests. The atmosphere. The atmosphere is the most politically consequential global commons. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, 1992) established the principle that all nations share responsibility for protecting the climate system - but differentiated responsibilities based on historical emissions and economic capacity. The Paris Agreement (2015) built on this with nationally determined contributions (NDCs), a global stocktake mechanism, and the 1.5/2°C temperature targets. The IPCC provides the scientific foundation: without its assessment reports documenting human-caused warming, the political commitment to decarbonisation would not exist. The challenge: The atmosphere has no borders. CO2 emitted in China warms the planet for Pacific Island nations. This mismatch between the source of the problem (concentrated in large emitters) and the distribution of harm (concentrated in vulnerable nations) makes climate governance the defining test of science diplomacy. The oceans. The high seas (beyond any nation's 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone) cover nearly half the Earth's surface and are governed by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS, 1982). UNCLOS established freedom of navigation, regulated seabed mining, and created the International Seabed Authority. But it left a critical gap: biodiversity on the high seas had no dedicated legal framework. The Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Treaty, adopted in 2023 after nearly two decades of negotiations, fills this gap. It establishes marine protected areas on the high seas, requires environmental impact assessments for activities in international waters, and creates mechanisms for sharing benefits from marine genetic resources. Marine scientists provided the evidence base throughout: documenting deep-sea biodiversity, mapping vulnerable ecosystems, and quantifying the threats from bottom trawling, deep-sea mining, and climate change. Outer space. The Outer Space Treaty (1967) declares space "the province of all mankind," bans nuclear weapons in orbit, prohibits national sovereignty claims on celestial bodies, and requires that space exploration benefit all countries. The treaty was a Cold War achievement - the US and USSR agreed to keep their superpower competition on Earth rather than extending it to space. But the treaty was written for an era of government space agencies, not commercial operators. Today, SpaceX, Blue Origin, and thousands of satellite operators are transforming space. Space debris (over 30,000 tracked objects) threatens all operators. The Kessler Syndrome - a cascading chain reaction of collisions - could make low Earth orbit unusable. Managing these challenges requires science-based governance that the 1967 treaty did not anticipate. Antarctica. The Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), beginning with the 1959 Antarctic Treaty and expanded through the Madrid Protocol (1991), remains the gold standard for science-based governance of a global commons. The Madrid Protocol designates Antarctica as a "natural reserve devoted to peace and science" and bans mineral resource activities. Scientific research is the primary permitted activity, and decisions within the ATS are informed by the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR). The pattern across all four commons: Science is not optional - it is the basis for governance. Without climate science, there is no Paris Agreement. Without marine biology, there is no BBNJ Treaty. Without orbital mechanics, there is no space debris management. Without Antarctic ecology, there is no Madrid Protocol. In each case, science diplomacy provides both the evidence base and the collaborative culture that makes governance possible. When science is contested. Governance breaks down when powerful states contest the science. Climate denialism delayed action for decades. Disagreements over fisheries science undermine UNCLOS enforcement. Disputes over space debris tracking data complicate space governance. The commons are governed well only when the science is trusted - which is why protecting the integrity of science advisory processes is itself a diplomatic priority.

Climate change is the ultimate test of science diplomacy. It involves the most complex science (Earth systems, atmospheric chemistry, ocean dynamics), the most consequential politics (energy, economy, development), and the longest time horizons (decades to centuries). How well science and diplomacy have interacted on climate is the benchmark for the entire field. The IPCC as science-policy interface. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, established in 1988 by the WMO and UNEP, is the world's most influential science-policy body. It does not conduct original research. Instead, it mobilises thousands of scientists worldwide to assess and synthesise the existing scientific literature. Its assessment reports - published roughly every six to seven years - are the authoritative reference for climate negotiations. The IPCC's authority rests on a unique institutional design. Reports are written by scientists but approved line-by-line by government representatives. This means every sentence in the Summary for Policymakers has been negotiated - creating a document that governments have formally accepted and cannot later dismiss as "just scientists' opinion." This approval process is laborious (sessions can last all night), but it produces a document with unmatched political legitimacy. From Kyoto to Paris. The evolution of climate diplomacy illustrates how science and politics interact: The Kyoto Protocol (1997) was a top-down approach: binding emission reduction targets were assigned to developed countries. The science was clear (the IPCC's Second Assessment Report warned of "discernible human influence on global climate"), but the politics failed. The US never ratified. Canada withdrew. Developing countries had no obligations. The protocol covered only about 12% of global emissions. The Paris Agreement (2015) took a bottom-up approach: every country sets its own Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) rather than being assigned a target. The IPCC's Fifth Assessment Report provided the scientific foundation, and the 1.5°C target came directly from scientific evidence about the consequences of different temperature thresholds (particularly for small island developing states). Paris succeeded where Kyoto failed because it accommodated sovereignty - each state chose its own path. The science-politics gap. Despite the IPCC's influence, a persistent gap exists between what science recommends and what diplomacy delivers. The IPCC's Sixth Assessment Report (2021-2023) concluded that global emissions must fall 43% by 2030 to limit warming to 1.5°C. Current NDCs, even if fully implemented, would reduce emissions by only about 2% by 2030. This gap - between the scale of action science demands and the ambition politics delivers - is the central challenge of climate science diplomacy. Loss and damage. A breakthrough at COP27 (Sharm el-Sheikh, 2022) established a Loss and Damage Fund for vulnerable countries already suffering from climate impacts. This was a science diplomacy victory: for decades, small island states and least developed countries had used scientific evidence (sea level rise projections, extreme weather attribution studies) to argue that wealthy polluters owed compensation. The fund acknowledged the scientific reality that some climate impacts are now unavoidable - adaptation alone is insufficient. When science is challenged by politics. Climate science diplomacy has faced organised opposition. The fossil fuel industry funded climate denial for decades, creating doubt about scientific consensus. Some governments (notably the US under certain administrations) withdrew from or undermined climate agreements. At COP28 (Dubai, 2023), the presidency by a fossil fuel executive sparked controversy but ultimately produced an agreement to "transition away from fossil fuels" - the first explicit mention of fossil fuels in any COP decision, a small victory that took 28 years of science diplomacy to achieve.

If climate change is science diplomacy's marathon, pandemic response is its sprint. Infectious diseases cross borders at the speed of air travel, compressing the timeline for science-policy interaction from years to weeks. COVID-19 revealed both the extraordinary potential and the devastating failures of global health diplomacy. WHO's dual role. The World Health Organisation is simultaneously a technical agency (providing scientific guidance on disease surveillance, treatment protocols, and public health measures) and a diplomatic arena (where 194 member states negotiate health policy). This dual role creates constant tension. During COVID-19, the WHO's technical recommendation for early travel restrictions conflicted with some member states' economic interests. Its declaration of a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) on 30 January 2020 was criticized as both too late (the virus had already spread) and too early (some countries felt it was premature). The International Health Regulations (IHR, 2005). The IHR are the binding international legal framework for pandemic preparedness. They require states to report disease outbreaks promptly, maintain surveillance capacity, and allow WHO assessment missions. In theory, the IHR make pandemic response a science-led process. In practice, states have routinely delayed reporting (to protect trade and tourism), restricted WHO access (to protect sovereignty), and ignored WHO recommendations (to pursue domestic political agendas). COVID-19: the stress test. The pandemic tested every aspect of global health diplomacy: Genome sharing. Chinese scientists published the SARS-CoV-2 genome on 11 January 2020 - within days of identification. This act of scientific openness (Mode 2 science diplomacy at its best) enabled global vaccine development at unprecedented speed. Within 11 months, multiple effective vaccines were authorised. COVAX. The COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access facility was designed to ensure equitable vaccine distribution worldwide. Co-led by the WHO, Gavi, and CEPI, COVAX aimed to deliver 2 billion doses to lower-income countries by end of 2021. It fell catastrophically short: wealthy nations pre-purchased billions of doses bilaterally, leaving COVAX competing for supply. By mid-2021, high-income countries had administered over 50 doses per 100 people while low-income countries had administered fewer than 1. Vaccine diplomacy. Geopolitical competition filled the gap. China distributed over 2 billion Sinovac and Sinopharm doses to more than 100 countries. Russia exported Sputnik V across Latin America, Africa, and Asia. India's "Vaccine Maitri" (Vaccine Friendship) programme donated millions of doses to neighbours. These were science diplomacy initiatives - but driven by geopolitical strategy as much as public health concern. The H5N1 precedent (2007). Indonesia's refusal to share H5N1 avian influenza virus samples with the WHO in 2007 foreshadowed COVID-19's equity challenges. Indonesia argued that developing countries shared viral samples for free, but pharmaceutical companies developed vaccines that were then sold back to those same countries at prices they could not afford. This led to the Pandemic Influenza Preparedness (PIP) Framework (2011), which established benefit-sharing principles - a direct product of science diplomacy negotiation. The Pandemic Agreement (2025). In May 2025, WHO member states adopted a new Pandemic Agreement after three years of negotiations. The agreement strengthens pathogen surveillance, establishes clearer benefit-sharing rules for vaccines and therapeutics, and creates a pandemic supply chain coordination mechanism. It represents the world's attempt to learn from COVID-19 - though critics argue it lacks enforcement teeth. The negotiations were themselves a masterclass in science diplomacy: technical experts defined the problems, diplomats negotiated the compromises, and the final text reflects both scientific evidence and political reality. The pattern. Global health diplomacy follows a predictable cycle: a crisis (SARS, H5N1, Ebola, COVID-19) reveals gaps in the international system. Scientific evidence documents the failures. Diplomatic negotiations produce new frameworks. Then political attention fades until the next crisis. Breaking this cycle - maintaining political commitment between pandemics - is the fundamental challenge.

Beyond climate and health, science diplomacy operates across a widening range of global challenges. Biodiversity loss, nuclear governance, and emerging technology (AI, biotech) each present distinct science diplomacy dynamics - but share common patterns with climate and health. Biodiversity diplomacy. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD, 1992) established three pillars: conservation of biodiversity, sustainable use of its components, and fair and equitable sharing of benefits from genetic resources. But unlike climate diplomacy, where the IPCC provides a unified science-policy interface, biodiversity diplomacy suffered for years from fragmented scientific input. The creation of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) in 2012 was designed to fill this gap - an "IPCC for biodiversity." Its 2019 Global Assessment concluded that 1 million species are at risk of extinction, driven by land-use change, overexploitation, climate change, pollution, and invasive species. This finding provided the scientific foundation for the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), adopted at COP15 in December 2022. The GBF's headline target - "30x30" (protecting 30% of Earth's land and sea areas by 2030) - is directly derived from conservation science on minimum habitat thresholds. But achieving it requires navigating competing interests: Indigenous peoples' land rights, agricultural expansion, extractive industries, and fisheries. The Nagoya Protocol (2010). Access to genetic resources is a contentious science diplomacy issue. Pharmaceutical and biotech companies in wealthy countries have historically collected genetic material from biodiversity-rich developing countries (a practice critics call "biopiracy") without sharing the benefits. The Nagoya Protocol established legally binding rules for access and benefit sharing (ABS) - requiring prior informed consent from source countries and fair sharing of profits. This was a diplomatic solution to a problem identified by science: the economic value of genetic resources is enormous, but the benefits were flowing in one direction. Nuclear governance. Nuclear technology is the original dual-use science diplomacy challenge. The same physics that powers nuclear energy also enables nuclear weapons. The governance architecture includes: The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT, 1968) - the grand bargain where non-nuclear states agreed not to acquire weapons in exchange for access to peaceful nuclear technology and a commitment by nuclear states to disarm. The NPT has prevented proliferation to all but a handful of states, but the disarmament promise remains largely unfulfilled. The IAEA - provides the technical verification that makes the NPT work. Its safeguards system (inspections, monitoring, material accounting) is the gold standard for science-based arms control verification. AI governance. Artificial intelligence is emerging as the next frontier of science diplomacy. Unlike nuclear technology (which requires specialised materials and facilities), AI is fundamentally a software challenge - making it harder to control and verify. Key science diplomacy questions include: Should there be an "IPCC for AI" - an intergovernmental body that assesses AI risks and capabilities? The UN High-Level Advisory Body on AI, established in 2023, is a step in this direction. How should autonomous weapons systems (LAWS) be regulated? The UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons has debated this since 2014, but progress has been slow because major military powers resist binding constraints on a technology they consider strategically vital. Dual-use biotechnology. Gain-of-function research (making pathogens more transmissible to understand pandemic risks) is a science diplomacy flashpoint. The debate pits scientific freedom (researchers argue the knowledge is essential for pandemic preparedness) against biosecurity concerns (critics argue that creating enhanced pathogens risks accidental or deliberate release). The COVID-19 lab-leak hypothesis intensified this debate and pushed it into the diplomatic arena. Common patterns across all domains. Comparing climate, health, biodiversity, nuclear, and AI governance reveals shared science diplomacy dynamics: Science advisory bodies are essential - IPCC, IPBES, IAEA, WHO technical units - each domain requires an authoritative science-policy interface. Equity is always contested - who bears the costs and who captures the benefits? Climate (historical emitters vs vulnerable nations), health (pathogen sharing vs vaccine access), biodiversity (biopiracy vs benefit sharing), nuclear (have vs have-not states), AI (tech leaders vs developing countries). Verification is critical - IAEA inspections, IPCC assessments, WHO surveillance data, environmental monitoring. Without trusted verification, agreements collapse. The science-politics gap persists - in every domain, what science recommends exceeds what politics delivers.

Scientists and diplomats think in fundamentally different ways - and understanding this gap is the first step to bridging it. Scientists are trained to seek truth through evidence. Diplomats are trained to seek agreement through compromise. When these two cultures meet in a negotiation room, misunderstandings are almost guaranteed unless both sides learn each other's logic. How scientists think. Scientists value precision, reproducibility, and peer review. A finding is either supported by evidence or it is not. Uncertainty is quantified and reported honestly. The goal is to get closer to the truth, even if the truth is uncomfortable. In a scientific debate, the strongest evidence wins. How diplomats think. Diplomats value consensus, relationships, and face-saving. An agreement is not "true" or "false" - it is acceptable or unacceptable to the parties involved. Ambiguity is a tool, not a weakness. The goal is not to find the single correct answer but to find a formulation that all parties can live with. In a diplomatic negotiation, the most creative compromise wins. Interest-based negotiation. Roger Fisher and William Ury's classic framework from Getting to Yes (1981) is the foundation of modern negotiation theory and is directly applicable to science diplomacy: Separate people from the problem. In science diplomacy, this means distinguishing between a country's political position and the underlying scientific evidence. A diplomat opposing emission cuts is not denying physics - they are protecting their country's economic interests. Attack the problem, not the person. Focus on interests, not positions. A country's position might be "we will not accept binding emission targets." But the underlying interest might be "we need time to transition our coal-dependent economy without mass unemployment." Understanding interests opens creative solutions that positions do not. Invent options for mutual gain. Scientists excel at this when they apply their problem-solving skills to diplomatic challenges. A climate negotiation deadlock over emission targets might be resolved by a technology transfer mechanism that helps coal-dependent countries transition while meeting climate goals. Insist on objective criteria. This is where science and diplomacy naturally converge. Using IPCC data, WHO statistics, or IAEA measurements as the basis for negotiation grounds the discussion in evidence rather than power. BATNA: Best Alternative to a Negotiated Agreement. Your BATNA is what happens if the negotiation fails. A country with a strong BATNA (e.g., it can pursue its goals unilaterally) has more leverage than one whose interests depend entirely on agreement. In climate negotiations, large emitters have strong BATNAs (they can continue emitting), while small island states have weak BATNAs (they cannot prevent sea level rise alone). This asymmetry shapes every climate negotiation. The Zone of Possible Agreement (ZOPA). The ZOPA is the range of outcomes acceptable to all parties. In science diplomacy, the ZOPA is often narrow: the science demands radical action, but sovereignty and economic interests limit what states will accept. The negotiator's art is to expand the ZOPA through creative packages - linking climate commitments to technology transfer, connecting health surveillance to pharmaceutical access, or bundling biodiversity protection with development finance. Uncertainty as a negotiation variable. Scientific uncertainty is unavoidable, but it plays differently in negotiations. In science, saying "we are 90% confident" is honest reporting. In diplomacy, opponents can use that 10% uncertainty to argue for inaction. Conversely, precautionary-minded negotiators can use uncertainty to argue for stronger action ("we cannot afford to be wrong"). Learning to communicate uncertainty in ways that support rather than undermine your negotiating position is a critical skill for science diplomats.

The most rigorous science in the world is useless if it never reaches the people who make decisions. Communicating science to policymakers is a distinct skill from communicating science to the public or to other scientists. Policymakers have limited time, face competing priorities, and need actionable information - not comprehensive literature reviews. The "two cultures" gap. In 1959, C.P. Snow delivered his famous lecture on "The Two Cultures" - the divide between scientific and literary-humanistic intellectual life. In science diplomacy, the two cultures are science and politics. Scientists value completeness, nuance, and caveats. Policymakers value brevity, clarity, and recommendations. Bridging this gap requires scientists to learn a different mode of communication without sacrificing accuracy. The policy brief. The policy brief is the core written instrument for communicating science to policymakers. A well-crafted policy brief follows a standard structure: Executive summary (1 paragraph) - The most important finding and its policy implication. If the reader stops here, they should still understand the key message. Context (half a page) - Why this issue matters now. What decision is pending? What is at stake? Evidence (1-2 pages) - The scientific findings, presented in plain language with minimal jargon. Use graphs, tables, and comparisons rather than raw statistics. Policy options (1 page) - Not one recommendation but 2-3 options with trade-offs clearly stated. Policymakers resent being told what to do; they appreciate being shown what they can do. Recommendation (1 paragraph) - If pressed, which option does the evidence most strongly support? Why? The entire document should be 4-6 pages maximum. A 50-page report will not be read. A 2-page brief might change a vote. Briefing a minister: the 3-minute rule. In many governments, the science adviser gets three minutes with the minister before a decision. Three minutes. This means: Lead with the bottom line ("Minister, the evidence shows that Option B reduces hospital admissions by 40% at lower cost than Option A"). Anticipate the political question ("The opposition will argue this costs too much. Here is why it saves money over 5 years"). Offer a clear recommendation, not a lecture on methodology. Framing evidence for different audiences. The same scientific finding can be framed in multiple ways depending on the audience: For a finance minister: frame in terms of costs, savings, and economic impact. "Investing RM 1 in flood early warning systems saves RM 7 in disaster relief." For a foreign minister: frame in terms of international standing and alliances. "Joining this climate initiative positions Malaysia as a regional leader and strengthens ASEAN partnerships." For a defence minister: frame in terms of security. "Climate-induced migration from coastal areas creates internal displacement pressures that strain security resources." The science does not change. The framing does. This is not dishonesty - it is recognising that different decision-makers have different mandates and priorities. Common mistakes scientists make when communicating to policymakers: Leading with methodology. Policymakers do not care how you collected the data. They care what you found and what it means for them. Drowning in caveats. Every scientific finding has limitations. But listing every caveat signals uncertainty to a policymaker who needs confidence. State limitations honestly but briefly, after presenting the main finding. Refusing to recommend. Some scientists believe recommending policy compromises their objectivity. But policymakers specifically ask advisers for recommendations. Being "policy-relevant but not policy-prescriptive" does not mean being silent when asked "so what should we do?" Using jargon. "Anthropogenic radiative forcing" means nothing to a minister. "Human activities are heating the planet" means everything.

Every science diplomacy initiative involves multiple actors with different interests, different levels of influence, and different stakes in the outcome. Understanding this landscape before you begin is essential. Stakeholder mapping provides the analytical framework; managing international research partnerships puts it into practice. The influence-interest matrix. The most widely used stakeholder mapping tool is the influence-interest matrix (also called the Mendelow matrix). It plots stakeholders on two axes: Influence (vertical axis) - How much power does this actor have to affect the outcome? A UN Security Council permanent member has high influence. A small NGO has low influence. Interest (horizontal axis) - How much does this actor care about the issue? A Pacific island state has high interest in climate negotiations. A landlocked country has lower interest in ocean governance. This produces four quadrants with different engagement strategies: High influence, high interest (Key Players) - These are your priority stakeholders. Engage deeply, build relationships, understand their concerns. In climate science diplomacy, this includes the US, EU, China, and India. High influence, low interest (Context Setters) - These actors can block or enable outcomes but may not actively participate. Keep them informed and try to increase their interest. Russia in biodiversity negotiations is an example. Low influence, high interest (Subjects) - These actors care deeply but have limited power. Empower them through coalitions, evidence, and voice. Small island states and Indigenous peoples' organisations are classic examples. Low influence, low interest (Crowd) - Monitor but do not invest disproportionate effort. Most of the general public falls here for specialised science diplomacy issues. Managing international research partnerships. Mode 2 science diplomacy (diplomacy FOR science) depends on well-managed international research collaborations. These partnerships face practical challenges that scientists rarely encounter in domestic settings: Funding. Different countries have different funding cycles, overhead rates, and eligible cost categories. An EU Horizon Europe grant has different reporting requirements than a US NSF grant. Aligning funding across partners requires patient administrative work. Intellectual property (IP). Who owns the results? In many partnerships, IP rules are negotiated before the research begins - but scientists often treat this as a bureaucratic afterthought until a commercially valuable discovery creates a dispute. The Nagoya Protocol's access and benefit sharing rules add another layer for partnerships involving genetic resources. Data sharing. Some fields (genomics, climate science) have strong open data norms. Others (defence-related research, proprietary pharmaceuticals) have restricted sharing. Cross-national partnerships must agree on data governance: who can access what data, for what purposes, and under what conditions. Cultural differences. Research cultures vary by country. In some systems, the principal investigator makes all decisions hierarchically. In others, decisions are made by consensus. Communication styles differ (direct vs indirect), publication norms differ (first author conventions), and the relationship between senior and junior researchers differs. Ignoring these differences creates friction; acknowledging them builds trust. The role of diaspora scientists. Scientists who have migrated from one country to another often serve as informal bridges in science diplomacy. An Iranian physicist working at CERN, a Nigerian biologist at a UK university, or a Chinese AI researcher in Silicon Valley can facilitate connections that formal diplomatic channels cannot. Diaspora networks are an underutilised resource in science diplomacy - they combine scientific credibility with cultural fluency in both the home and host countries. Building trust across institutional cultures. The most important asset in any international research partnership is trust. Trust is built through: Transparency - sharing information openly, including about problems and delays Reliability - doing what you said you would do, on time Reciprocity - ensuring that benefits flow in both directions, not just from South to North Personal relationships - face-to-face meetings, shared meals, and informal conversations matter more than formal governance structures. SESAME's success owes as much to the personal friendships between its scientists as to its institutional framework.

An increasing number of countries are developing explicit science diplomacy strategies. How a country institutionalises science diplomacy - where it sits in the government structure, how it is funded, and what objectives it serves - reveals its priorities and shapes its effectiveness. Three institutional models. Countries organise science diplomacy in fundamentally different ways: Model 1: Foreign ministry-led. The foreign ministry takes the lead, embedding science advisers and technology counsellors within embassies and diplomatic missions. Science serves foreign policy objectives. Switzerland is the leading example. The Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs maintains a network of Science and Technology Counsellors in over 20 embassies worldwide. These counsellors are professional scientists who identify collaboration opportunities, monitor technological developments, and advise ambassadors on science-related issues. Switzerland also hosts GESDA (Geneva Science and Diplomacy Anticipator), which bridges frontier science and multilateral governance from Geneva. Model 2: Science ministry-led. The science or research ministry takes the lead, using scientific cooperation as a tool for international engagement. Science objectives drive the agenda. Japan exemplifies this model. The annual Science and Technology in Society (STS) Forum in Kyoto brings together over 1,400 leaders from science, government, and industry across 100+ countries. Founded by former Foreign Minister Koji Omi, the STS Forum is run by a private foundation but with strong government backing. Japan also uses the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) fellowship programmes to build research networks that serve both scientific and diplomatic purposes. Model 3: Hybrid/academy-led. National academies of science play a central coordinating role, working across government departments. This model leverages the independence and credibility of academic institutions. The UK uses a hybrid model. The Government Chief Scientific Adviser (GCSA) sits in the Cabinet Office with access to all government departments. The Royal Society runs extensive international fellowship and partnership programmes. The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) has its own science advisers. This distributed model provides multiple entry points but can create coordination challenges. The EU approach. The European Union operates science diplomacy at a supranational level through several mechanisms: Horizon Europe (€95+ billion, 2021-2027) - the world's largest research programme, open to associated countries beyond the EU. It is simultaneously a research funding instrument and a foreign policy tool: countries like Israel, the UK (post-Brexit), and several African nations participate, creating scientific ties that complement political relationships. The Joint Research Centre (JRC) provides scientific advice directly to EU policymakers and plays a role in EU science diplomacy through its international partnerships. The EU Science Diplomacy Alliance (launched 2020) coordinates science diplomacy activities across EU institutions and member states. Emerging economies. Science diplomacy is not exclusively a rich-country activity: India uses its space programme (ISRO) and pharmaceutical industry (the "pharmacy of the world" role in COVID-19 vaccine production) as science diplomacy instruments. India's Vaccine Maitri programme distributed millions of COVID-19 doses to neighbours. South Korea has invested heavily in international science organisations and hosts several international research facilities. Its development trajectory (from aid recipient to OECD member) makes it a credible voice on science for development. Southeast Asian countries are increasingly active through ASEAN frameworks, with Singapore positioning itself as a regional science diplomacy hub. The S4D4C framework. The EU-funded S4D4C project (Using Science for/in Diplomacy for Addressing Global Challenges, 2018-2022) produced practical tools for science diplomacy practitioners, including governance frameworks, training materials, and case study analyses. Its key insight: effective science diplomacy requires institutional infrastructure (not just individual scientists) and must be embedded in both foreign policy and research strategy simultaneously.

Science diplomacy rests on the assumption that science is trustworthy and that scientific cooperation serves the common good. But both assumptions deserve scrutiny. Science is produced by humans within institutions shaped by power, funding, and politics. When science enters the diplomatic arena, ethical questions multiply. Can science be "apolitical"? Scientists often claim that their work is objective and value-free. But the choice of what to research, how to fund it, where to publish it, and how to frame it for policymakers are all political acts. The IPCC does not study climate change because it is scientifically interesting (although it is) - it studies climate change because governments decided it was a priority. Funding agencies choose which diseases to research, which technologies to develop, and which regions to study. These choices reflect political priorities, not pure scientific curiosity. The myth of scientific neutrality becomes problematic in science diplomacy when it is used to avoid accountability. If a science diplomat claims to be "just presenting the evidence" while strategically framing that evidence to support a particular policy outcome, they are exercising political influence under the cover of scientific objectivity. Whose science counts? The global scientific enterprise is dominated by institutions in the Global North. According to UNESCO, North America and Europe produce over 60% of the world's scientific publications, even though they represent less than 20% of the world's population. Peer review, journal rankings, citation metrics, and funding flows all reinforce Northern dominance. In science diplomacy, this creates a power asymmetry: the science that informs treaty negotiations is disproportionately produced in wealthy countries. When the IPCC assesses climate impacts, it relies heavily on studies conducted by Northern researchers using Northern methods. Local and Indigenous knowledge systems, which may offer crucial insights for adaptation in specific communities, are often marginalised. This is not an abstract complaint. When biodiversity negotiations rely on genetic databases compiled by Northern institutions from Southern organisms, or when pandemic preparedness frameworks depend on surveillance data that developing countries struggle to produce, the knowledge base itself reflects and reinforces global inequality. Power asymmetries between Global North and South. Science diplomacy can either challenge or reinforce global power imbalances: Brain drain: When the best scientists from developing countries move to Northern institutions, their home countries lose both talent and diplomatic capacity. The diaspora scientist can serve as a bridge (as discussed in Module 4), but only if structures exist to leverage that connection. Capacity building or dependency? Many science diplomacy programmes involve Northern institutions "building capacity" in the South. But if capacity building creates dependency on Northern expertise, equipment, and funding rather than genuinely empowering Southern institutions, it reproduces the power imbalance it claims to address. Agenda-setting: Who decides which global challenges science diplomacy should address? If Northern priorities (AI governance, space governance) dominate over Southern priorities (food security, tropical disease, water access), the field serves Northern interests even when it claims universality. Dual-use dilemmas. Some research can be used for both beneficial and harmful purposes: Gain-of-function research enhances pathogen transmissibility to understand pandemic risks - but the enhanced pathogens could be weapons. AI research develops algorithms that improve healthcare diagnostics - but the same technology enables autonomous weapons and mass surveillance. Nuclear research produces clean energy - but the same physics enables nuclear weapons. The dual-use challenge is not new, but it is intensifying as technology advances. Science diplomacy must develop governance frameworks that enable beneficial research while preventing misuse - a balance that becomes harder as technologies become more accessible and harder to monitor. Building trust when science is contested. Public trust in science has been shaken by the COVID-19 pandemic, climate denial campaigns, and social media misinformation. In science diplomacy, trust is the foundational currency. If governments do not trust IPCC findings, climate agreements collapse. If countries do not trust IAEA inspections, nuclear agreements fail. If nations do not trust WHO recommendations, pandemic response fragments. Rebuilding and maintaining trust requires transparency (open data, open methods, open deliberation), independence (science advisory bodies free from political interference), inclusivity (ensuring all voices - including from the Global South - are represented), and accountability (admitting when science gets it wrong, and correcting course).

This final section brings together everything you have learned into a practical design exercise. How do you move from identifying a global challenge to designing and launching a science diplomacy initiative that can actually make a difference? Step 1: Define the problem. A science diplomacy initiative begins with a clear problem statement that has both scientific and diplomatic dimensions. "Climate change" is too broad. "How can science diplomacy help Mekong River countries manage shared water resources as glacial melt and dam construction alter river flows?" is specific enough to design around. Good problem statements for science diplomacy have three characteristics: The problem is transboundary - it crosses national borders and cannot be solved by any single country alone. The problem has a strong scientific component - evidence is needed to understand causes, predict consequences, and evaluate solutions. The problem has a diplomatic dimension - competing national interests, contested sovereignty, or the need for international agreement create barriers that scientific cooperation can help overcome. Step 2: Map the stakeholders. Using the influence-interest matrix from Module 4, identify all relevant actors: governments, international organisations, research institutions, NGOs, private sector entities, and affected communities. For each, assess their interests, influence, and potential role (supporter, opponent, or swing actor). Step 3: Choose the institutional model. Based on the stakeholders and the problem, decide where the initiative should be housed: An existing international organisation (e.g., a UN agency) provides legitimacy but may be slow and bureaucratic. A new institution (like SESAME) provides focus but requires significant start-up investment and diplomatic effort. A network or coalition (like the High Ambition Coalition at Paris) provides flexibility but may lack permanence. A bilateral agreement between two key countries provides speed but limited scope. Step 4: Identify the science diplomacy mode(s). Which modes will the initiative primarily operate in? If the main need is evidence to inform negotiations, focus on Mode 1: create or strengthen a science advisory body. If the main need is shared research infrastructure, focus on Mode 2: negotiate agreements for joint facilities or programmes. If the main need is trust-building between rival states, focus on Mode 3: design collaborative research that creates human connections across political divides. Most effective initiatives combine modes. Step 5: Secure funding. Science diplomacy initiatives need sustainable funding. Options include: Government contributions (the CERN model - member states pay according to GDP) International organisation budgets (WHO, UNESCO programme budgets) Private foundations (Wellcome Trust, Gates Foundation) Public-private partnerships Development finance (World Bank, regional development banks) The funding model signals the initiative's independence. Government-funded initiatives may be perceived as serving donors' political interests. Foundation-funded initiatives may be more independent but less sustainable. Step 6: Measure success. How will you know if the initiative is working? Science diplomacy outcomes are often intangible (trust built, relationships strengthened, understanding improved) and long-term (treaties negotiated years after the science is produced). Useful indicators include: New research outputs (joint publications, shared datasets, patents) Policy uptake (evidence cited in treaty negotiations, national policies influenced) Capacity building (researchers trained, institutions strengthened in partner countries) Relationship indicators (new collaborations initiated, exchanges completed, joint proposals submitted) Diplomatic outcomes (agreements signed, tensions reduced, conflicts avoided) Case study: Designing a Mekong water-sharing initiative. Imagine you are tasked with designing a science diplomacy initiative for the Mekong River, shared by China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. Chinese dams upstream alter water flows that 60 million people downstream depend on for farming, fishing, and drinking water. Problem: transboundary water management complicated by China's upstream dominance and downstream countries' dependency. Stakeholders: China (high influence, moderate interest), downstream countries (moderate influence, high interest), the Mekong River Commission (institutional framework but weak enforcement), ASEAN (regional context), scientific institutions in all six countries. Mode mix: Mode 1 (shared hydrological data to inform negotiations), Mode 2 (joint research infrastructure - river monitoring stations, shared models), Mode 3 (scientist-to-scientist relationships building trust across the power asymmetry). Institutional model: strengthen the existing Mekong River Commission with a dedicated science advisory panel, rather than creating a new institution. Funding: multilateral (contributions from all six riparian states, supplemented by development finance from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank). Success metrics: shared real-time hydrological data, joint flood early warning system, annual scientific report informing ministerial negotiations.